𝐇𝐑𝐌 𝐓𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐛𝐮𝐢𝐠𝐚 𝐀𝐤𝐩𝐨 𝐀𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐚𝐤𝐩𝐨𝐫 𝐕𝐈,
President and Paramount Chief of Weta Traditional Area, writes:
𝐅𝐢𝐚𝐬𝐡𝐢ɛ𝐠𝐛ɛ (𝐅𝐢𝐚𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐞𝐠𝐛𝐞𝐲), 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐄ʋ𝐞 𝐊𝐢𝐧𝐠’𝐬 𝐓𝐫𝐮𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐖𝐢𝐟𝐞
Fiashiɛgbɛ is commonly and widely known by the Eʋes as the wife of a King or Chief. However, to the royal household, Fiashiɛgbɛ is not just a common wife but a legitimate throne or stool wife specially married from the royal family line by the kinsmen with the blessing of the kingmakers to the king. This event is usually performed during or after the installation of the king. A king or a chief could have several wives or a wife married under the ordinance law which is monogamous and tangential to polygamous system of the customary law. However, that does not dissuade the royal kinsmen from going ahead to marry throne’s wife called Fiashiɛgbɛ to the king. We shall find out why Eʋe tradition is sacrosanct and grossed in this practice.
I know the questions going through your mind as you finish reading the above paragraph; such as, could this be classified as force marriage? Well, formerly, the consent of the king to-be was not all that necessary to the kinsmen and the kingmakers but the situation is a bit different now. Another question that could be of concern to you as a reader will be; could this not be unlawful looking at the law governing marriages in Ghana or other countries where similar system of kingship is practiced? Well, according to the kinsmen, this practice is a custom and tradition and must be followed strictly despite modernity. The name Fiashiɛgbɛ has been used traditionally on several occasions to describe a woman married by the royal family to the king; but let us pause a bit and take a closer look at the name again. Is Fiashiɛgbɛ typical Eʋe language, if yes, what does it mean literally? How is Fiashiɛgbɛ related to the king? We shall find answers to these questions, by the time we are done reading this article.
In Eʋe setting, marriage comes with traditional procedures which must be performed in other to be legally recognized and accepted by the two families and the society. Kɔkɔkɔ (Knocking), engagement, payment of bride wealth, and the current add-on of consummation are the accepted way of marriage among the Eʋes. “Kɔkɔkɔ” meaning knocking which both partners intending to marry have as some obligations to perform and among these are procedures which come with the traditional engagement and marriage list presentation. The list differs depending on the particular tribe, clan or family from which the lady comes. A list of items is usually given to the groom-to-be to provide. Marrying from an Eʋe family, the man has to pay for the bride price and this usually comes with a list.
Customary marriage is one of the three types of valid marriages recognized by the laws of Ghana (Adinkrah, 1980). Gyasi (2006) opines that marriage is a basic institution that legally binds a man and woman together as husband and wife. However, in traditional societies, marriage is not necessarily between the couples but between their respective families. Gyasi, further argues that in the African context, emphasis is placed on maintaining lineage and building social alliance between families and groups. It also provides for companionship and psychological support in times of individual’s stress and bound people together.
Among the Aŋlɔs, marriage is a union between two lovers, which naturally turns to be a union between two clans; that is, a union between a man and his wife as well as a union between parents of the man and those of the woman. But not man and man or woman and woman. Marriage joins ethnic groups together when the marriage is between people of different ethnic groups. For example, if an Eʋe man marries a Ga woman, the marriage binds the two ethnic groups and anything that happens in the man’s ethnic group automatically affects the woman and vice versa. If the man is bereaved, his in-laws from the Ga ethnic group would be involved;
𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝟏𝟖𝟎𝟎𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐛𝐞𝐲𝐨𝐧𝐝 𝐚𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐄ʋ𝐞 𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐤𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞
Alfred Burdon Ellis (1890), – A Major, First Battalion of West India Regiment in his book entitled “The Eʋe-Speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa: Their Religion, Manners, Customs, Laws, Languages, &c” accounted how marriages are performed among the Eʋes speaking people in the 1800s and beyond. A young girl advertises her arrival at the age of puberty by visiting her relatives and friends, attired in her best cloths, and ornamented with the family jewelry; if she is not already being engaged by any man yet, a potential suitor quickly declares himself ready.
He does this by sending a man and a woman to the girl’s father's house with two large bottles of akpeteshie drink, which they deposit on the floor, with the saying “Our uncle wants to marry one of your girls;” and the father of the girl, having learned from the messengers the name of the suitor, the messengers at the liberty to leave. If the proposal is accepted the suitor’s family is informed of the offer, and the two akpeteshie bottles are returned empty to the suitor as a sign that he is accepted. This process is referred to as Ʋɔfofo or door knocking/knocking.
The suitor then sends two more full bottles of akpeteshie, with two heads of cowries and two pieces of cotton cloth for the girl; after which he enters into negotiations with the parents as to the price he will be required to pay for girl as a bride price. The gift of cowries and cotton cloth constitutes betrothal or engagement, after which the suitor can claim compensation for any liberties that other men may take with his fiancée.
On the other hand, the suitor, during the period between the betrothal and the marriage, if suitor is not well to do or he is poor and the girl's bride price is high, it may take a longer period for him to settle it, meanwhile, the lady is expected to perform all the religious duties that may be incumbent on her.
On the day of the marriage ceremony, both the money he paid for her hand in marriage and the value of all presents he has made are counted as part of the bride price. The next morning, supposing all to have gone well with the marriage ceremony, the husband sends presents to the parents of the bride to conclude the process. After a week of the girl cohabiting with man, she returns to her old or parent’s home.
Seven days later she cooks food and send it to her husband, who also on next morning sends a present in return, and in the evening the wife returns to the husband and permanently takes up her abode with him. This postponement of regular cohabitation with the husband after the marriage has been effectuated. The final return to the husband is celebrated by a feast given on the day that follow it.
𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐧 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐧𝐚𝐦𝐞 𝐅𝐢𝐚𝐬𝐡𝐢ɛ𝐠𝐛ɛ
Eʋes are deep thought oriented people whose nomenclatures are rooted in their life experiences, traditions, or an encounter with their maker. Every Eʋe word or name has meaning. Unlike some other tribes, if you ask them to give you the meaning of certain names or words, either they don’t know or there is no meaning, and is just a name they know or carry. It is very important to understand a name you are carrying because, your name carries heavenly and earthly elemental energies or characteristics which could impact your life in one way or the other.
The name Fiashiɛgbɛ is not a typical Eʋe name, rather, Fon Language spoken in Benin and Nigeria. So, if Fiashiɛgbɛ is Fon language, do Fon people used the word to mean king’s wife just as the Eʋes does? To answer this question, let us first find out who the Fon people are and learn some of their words or names. According to Britannica, Fons are also known as Dahomey, and these are people living in the south of Benin (called Dahomey until 1975) and adjacent parts of Togo. Fon is closely related to Eʋe and is a member of the Kwa branch of the Niger-Congo family of African languages.
Primarily, Fon people have the polygynous social family system just like the Eʋes, each woman and her children occupying a house within a compound. A lineage of families that are related through male blood line, mainly inherit the larger neighbouring compounds or properties; the eldest male member serves as the lineage head. Patrilineal clans spread throughout Dahomey were formerly important, but clan organization has broken down in recent times. The worship of ancestors, however, remains a major feature of Fon religion.
The village under a hereditary chief was traditionally the primary political unit. In the Kingdom of Dahomey, which flourished in the 18th and 19th centuries, the chiefs were representatives of a powerful king. The main function of kingship was the conduct of war, which was followed by the annual custom, at which prisoners were chastised and the goodwill of royal ancestors was sought. The king also exercised judicial powers, collected tribute, and filled political offices. In general, members of the royal clan did not hold political offices because it was believed they would be tempted to intrigue against the king; important posts were filled by commoners who would owe their appointment to the king and thus remain loyal.
With reference to (Lombard Jacques 1967), in his journal, entitled ‘West African kingdoms in the nineteenth century” establish the fact that the remnants of the palace of the king and chiefs of Fon symbolizes a living memory and their bravery till date. At the top of the Dahomean hierarchy stood the royal family all that are descendants of kings, both past and present were ranked according to their genealogical proximity to the reigning king and enjoyed many privileges barred to the ordinary Dahomean.
On the other hand, this is typical of dictatorial monarchies where princes were not permitted to hold important political or administrative offices. Fons call women who assist in administering the traditional duties of the palace Miganon. Among these category of women, small portion of them are the king’s wives, some are royal kinswomen whilst others are the royal bodyguards.
Fons call queen mothers, 𝙆𝙥𝙤𝙙𝙟𝙞𝙩𝙤 and they are special set of women who represent the mothers of the past kings. There are range of young women who also assist them in the performance of their duties (most of which are ritual and honorary in nature) in the palace. 𝙏𝙖𝙨𝙞𝙣𝙤𝙣 which means older women who are also royal family members make sure prayers are performed to the departed kings as well as keeping care of their tombs.
𝘼𝙝𝙤𝙨𝙞 is the word used to describe the collection of King’s wives who are legitimate and classified as royal wives from several other concubines in Fon language. Among the Ahosi was a small group who enjoyed the absolute confidence of the king.
These small special group of Ahosi were the only wives allowed by the king to serve him just like a servants and oversee all areas of his private life. Among the Ahosi or the trusted wives were another group of wives called the 𝙆𝙥𝙤𝙨𝙞 𝙤𝙧 '𝙡𝙚𝙤𝙥𝙖𝙧𝙙 𝙬𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨'. Within the Kposi is one of them who was usually from the maternal blood lineage of the king royal family or heir apparent.
Ahosi are subordinate to Kposi and Kposi are also subordinate to the special royal family wife who is referred to as 𝙁𝙞𝙖𝙨𝙝𝙞ɛ𝙜𝙗ɛ. She has the power to forbid her subordinate from having access to the king at ordinary times. The question to be answered again is, if Fiashiɛgbɛ is Fon then what is the literal meaning of Fiashiɛgbɛ in Eʋe and how is she related to the king and many more questions shall be answered in the subsequent sections.
Finally, there were innumerable women who saw to the upkeep and provisioning of the vast palace, collecting supplies of water, food, wood, etc. One section was responsible for providing the royal table with game and fortified by their strengths in the forest, they were chosen by the king to be his personal bodyguard, which ideas are recently hewed and displayed in movies like black panther and the others. It is believed that the origin of the Amazon company (which was the name given to the Dahomean female soldiers by European travellers), who were special forces and mount special departments in the palace and saw to the protection of the king and his people.
𝐒𝐨𝐦𝐞 𝐄ʋ𝐞 𝐋𝐢𝐧𝐞𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐓𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐬
For us to understand the restrictions or the prohibition in marriage of Eʋe people, it is crucial to understand terms used in describing people in family or the marriage eco-system. Distinguishing these names have implications on whether one is prohibited from kin’s (Ƒome) or intra-clan’s marriage or otherwise.
𝐄ʋ𝐞 𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐓𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐬
1. A wife or a husband is generally known as 𝙎𝙧ɔ. Distinctively, Wife is 𝙎𝙧ɔ𝙣𝙮ɔ𝙣𝙪 and husband is 𝙎𝙧ɔŋ𝙪𝙩𝙨𝙪.
2. If you are a married woman; your husband’s father and your husband’s mother's father are all known as 𝙏𝙤 or 𝙏𝙤𝙬𝙤 or you can say 𝙏𝙤𝙣𝙮𝙚 (𝙏𝙤𝙣𝙮𝙚𝙬𝙤 - 𝙋𝙡𝙪𝙧𝙖𝙡);
3. Mother-in-law of either spouse is known as 𝙇ɔ𝙭𝙤.
4. If you are a husband, your wife’s brother is called 𝙉𝙮𝙤; 𝙉𝙮𝙤𝙣𝙮𝙚; (𝙉𝙮𝙤𝙣𝙮𝙚𝙬𝙤: 𝙋𝙡𝙪𝙧𝙖𝙡)
5. But as a wife, you can address a collection of your husband's junior and senior brothers as 𝙎𝙧ɔ𝙣𝙮𝙚𝙬𝙤; simply means my husbands.
6. However, the elder brother of your husband is called 𝙎𝙧ɔ𝙣𝙮𝙚𝙜𝙖 (𝙎𝙧ɔ𝙣𝙮𝙚𝙜𝙖𝙬𝙤: 𝙥𝙡𝙪𝙧𝙖𝙡) and the younger one(s) is called 𝙎𝙧ɔ𝙣𝙮𝙚ɖ𝙞𝙖: (𝙎𝙧ɔ𝙣𝙮𝙚ɖ𝙞𝙖𝙬𝙤: 𝙥𝙡𝙪𝙧𝙖𝙡).
7. Husband’s sister is 𝙎𝙧ɔ-𝙉𝙮ɔ𝙣𝙪𝙩ɔ 𝙤𝙧 𝙎𝙧ɔ𝙣𝙮𝙚-𝙉𝙮ɔ𝙣𝙪𝙩ɔ; simply means “𝘮𝘺 𝘩𝘶𝘴𝘣𝘢𝘯𝘥’𝘴 𝘧𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘭𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘶𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵”.
8. As a husband your wife’s sister is called 𝑺𝒓ɔ-𝑵𝒚ɔ𝒏𝒖𝒕ɔ, 𝑺𝒓ɔ𝒏𝒚𝒆-𝑵𝒚ɔ𝒏𝒖𝒕ɔ 𝒐𝒓 𝑺𝒓ɔ𝒏𝒚𝒆ɖ𝒊𝒂 (𝒋𝒖𝒏𝒊𝒐𝒓 𝒔𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒆𝒓) and 𝑺𝒓ɔ𝒏𝒚𝒆𝒈𝒂 (𝒔𝒆𝒏𝒊𝒐𝒓 𝒔𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒆𝒓)
𝐄ʋ𝐞 𝐋𝐢𝐧𝐞𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐓𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐬
1. Your mother’s senior sister is called 𝘿𝙖𝙖𝙜𝙖, and the junior one is called 𝘿𝙖𝙖ɖ𝙞𝙖;
2. Your mother’s brother is called 𝑵𝒚𝒊𝒏𝒐𝒆 (𝑵𝒚𝒊 𝒎𝒆𝒂𝒏𝒔 𝒇𝒆𝒆𝒅/𝒓𝒂𝒊𝒍/𝒕𝒓𝒂𝒊𝒏 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝑵𝒐𝒆 𝒎𝒆𝒂𝒏𝒔 𝒇𝒆𝒎𝒂𝒍𝒆; 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒇𝒆𝒎𝒂𝒍𝒆 𝒕𝒓𝒂𝒊𝒏𝒆𝒓);
3. Your father’s sister either senior or junior is called 𝑬𝒕ɛ, 𝑻ɛ𝒏𝒚𝒆; sometimes, some people want to differentiate them by saying 𝑬𝒕ɛ𝒈𝒂/𝑻ɛ𝒈𝒂 (𝒔𝒆𝒏𝒊𝒐𝒓 𝒂𝒖𝒏𝒕𝒚) 𝒐𝒓 𝑬𝒕ɛ𝒗𝒊/𝑻ɛ𝒗𝒊(𝒋𝒖𝒏𝒊𝒐𝒓 𝒂𝒖𝒏𝒕𝒚).
4. Your father’s senior brother is called 𝑻ɔ𝒈𝒂, and junior brother is called 𝑻ɔɖ𝒊𝒂. So, get the difference between, 𝑫𝒂𝒂𝒈𝒂 : 𝑫𝒂𝒂ɖ𝒊𝒂; and 𝑻ɔ𝒈𝒂 : 𝑻ɔɖ𝒊𝒂.
5. Your mother’s sister’s children are called 𝑵ɔ𝒗𝒊𝒘𝒐 (brothers, sisters or siblings) or explicitly they are called 𝑫𝒂𝒂𝒈𝒂-𝑫𝒂ɖ𝒊𝒗𝒊𝒘𝒐.
6. Your mother’s brother’s children are also called 𝑵ɔ𝒗𝒊𝒘𝒐 (brothers, sisters or siblings) and can explicitly be referred to as 𝑻𝒂𝒔𝒉𝒊𝒗𝒊-𝑵𝒚𝒊𝒏𝒐𝒆𝒗𝒊𝒘𝒐 (please note that Tashi is used in place of 𝑬𝒕ɛ or 𝑻ɛ here. This was due to other Eʋe renditions).
7. Your father’s brother’s children are called 𝑵ɔ𝒗𝒊𝒘𝒐 (brothers, sisters or siblings) or overtly are known as 𝑻ɔ𝒈𝒂- 𝑻ɔɖ𝒊𝒗𝒊𝒘𝒐.
8. Handily, your father’s sister’s children are also called 𝑻𝒂𝒔𝒉𝒊𝒗𝒊-𝑵𝒚𝒊𝒏𝒐𝒆𝒗𝒊𝒘𝒐, just as your mother’s brother’s children.
𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐡𝐢𝐛𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬/𝐑𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬/𝐓𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐬 𝐚𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐄ʋ𝐞𝐬
As we are done with the terms used to describe marriage and family related individuals, it is imperative to know or understand the marriage or sexual relationships among these individuals or kinsmen the Eʋes deem taboo or sacrilege and those fortified or allowed.
According to (Schapera, 1950 cited in D.K Fiawoo, 1974) Clan endogamy and patrilateral parallel cousin marriage in Tongu, Ghana; describes how the Bantu-speaking people of Africa have almost zero tolerant for exogamous (exogamy is the social norm of marrying outside one's social group). This means that Bantus have "fewer marriage restrictions and therefore allow marriage between first cousins of all kinds and various other close relatives.
Some sexual relationships are considered sacrilege among the Eʋes, especially the Aŋlɔs so much so that even when these unspeakable sexual conducts occurred unknowingly or knowingly, spiritual cleansing or purification must be performed to appease the Land, Gods and the Ancestors for forgiveness. Sometimes one could be banned completely from his/her own community for such unconsecrated act.
A man has commit a taboo if he has a sexual relationship with his parents’ sisters and his own sisters’ daughters because these group of people are in the position of been a parents and daughters of the man respectively. Man is not allowed to marry women or ladies who he is related in the direct line of descent. A man is not permitted to marry his grandmother, mother, his daughter or granddaughter. Similarly, prohibition is applied to full and half-sisters. This sexual conducts are seen as incestuous and traditionally attract punishment and spiritual cleansing.
G. Ahortor (2016; p75), Marriage, Sexuality and Moral Responsibility among the Tongu Mafi People of Ghana; listed similar marriage restrictions or taboos that existed among all other Eʋe – speaking people especially the Aŋlɔs whose abhorrence to these practices is at its apex.
𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗰𝗮𝘁𝗲𝗴𝗼𝗿𝗶𝗲𝘀 𝗳𝗼𝗿 𝘄𝗵𝗶𝗰𝗵 𝘀𝗲𝘅 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗺𝗮𝗿𝗿𝗶𝗮𝗴𝗲 𝗮𝗿𝗲 𝗳𝗼𝗿𝗯𝗶𝗱𝗱𝗲𝗻 𝗼𝗿 𝗽𝗿𝗼𝗵𝗶𝗯𝗶𝘁𝗲𝗱 𝗮𝗿𝗲 𝗹𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗱 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗱𝗲𝘁𝗮𝗶𝗹𝗲𝗱 𝗯𝗲𝗹𝗼𝘄:
1. Father and daughter; including adopted daughters, daughters of one’s wife fathered by other men and this, whether the wife is alive or deceased.
2. Mother and son; including adopted sons, sons of one’s husband born to him by other women, whether this husband is alive or deceased.
3. Children of the same parents, including adopted siblings, step brothers and sisters.
4. Grandparents and grandchildren.
5. Uncle/Aunt and niece/nephew (Tɔga- Tɔɖiviwo).
6. Tɔga-Tɔɖivisrɔ – father’s brother’s daughter marriage (This form of marriage is incestuous, hence vehemently prohibited among Aŋlɔ-Eʋes but are encourage in some other parts of the Eʋe settings).
7. Marriage among in-laws.
8. Even in polygamous marriage, marriage to two sisters is prohibited. In the case of twin sisters, it is permissible but it is rare in practice.
9. One cannot marry the brother’s wife when the brother is alive, even when they are separated or divorced. However, after the death of an elder brother, a younger brother can marry the deceased’s wife.
𝐂𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐞 𝐊𝐢𝐧 𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐠𝐞 (Ƒ𝐨𝐦𝐞𝐬𝐫ɔ)
Even though closely related form of marriage is rare am the Eʋes, aside the prohibited way of marrying as explained above, Eʋe man is at liberty to pick a wife from his limited lineage line base on the rules. A man is permitted to marry from the father or the mother side with few limitations. Below are cross cousins and parallel cousins that has no taboo connotation attached:
1. 𝑻𝒂𝒔𝒉𝒊/𝑻𝒂𝒔𝒊-𝑵𝒚𝒊𝒏𝒐𝒆𝒗𝒊𝒔𝒓ɔ – father’s sister’s daughter marriage (this form of marriage is encouraged and frequently married to kings or chiefs as Fiashiɛgbɛ by Aŋlɔ and Fons).
2. 𝑫𝒂𝒂𝒈𝒂-𝑫𝒂ɖ𝒊𝒗𝒊𝒔𝒓ɔ – mother’s sister’s daughter marriage
3. 𝑻𝒂𝒔𝒉𝒊𝒗𝒊-𝑵𝒚𝒊𝒏𝒐𝒆𝒗𝒊𝒔𝒓ɔ – mother’s brother’s daughter marriage.
𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐚-𝐂𝐥𝐚𝐧 𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐠𝐞
According to (D.K Fiawoo, 1974), intra-clan level marriages are encouraged and sanctioned by Eʋe clansmen, this is often done because it is sometimes used as a tool to curb friction within certain part of the clans and prevent polarity of two clan structures.
G. K. Nukunya (1969) cited in Sandra E. Greene (1981); Land, lineage and clan in early Aŋlɔ demonstrated that Aŋlɔ-Eʋe social system is made of clanship.
He further defines Clan or Hlɔ as a males and females’ groupings that reverence the same totems and respect the taboos that associated with them. The elemental spirit that was represented by the totem of a particular clan to which they belong, and who ever claim to be the descendants of that clan must observe the rules for not less than eight (8) to ten (10) generations (i.e 30years per generation; equivalent to 300years), of common supposed male ancestor.
This also implies that same families that bears same surnames belongs to the same clan and therefore reverence the same totem. Families with same surnames or from same paternal ancestor are the same clan members and therefore are prohibited from marrying each other. This rule can only be broken after 300years with the idea that same part of the same family members has separated and settled in another village, state or kingdom with the notion that the separation have caused the families to lost contact with each other’s root.
If you are Eʋevi and you have no ideas about what is been discussed here, you need to begin asking questions your kinsmen and clansmen to understand the clan you belong and its associated rules. If you are couples and your clans happen to be the same; it is possible you are from the same paternal ancestor in the past which is allowed or have gone against any of the prohibited rules as specified above.
Fifteen (15) clans are typical to Aŋlɔ-Eʋes and are recognized by all traditional heads and families as part of Hlɔ systems. They include the 𝑳𝒂ƒ𝒆/𝑳ɔƒ𝒆, 𝑨𝒎𝒍𝒂𝒅𝒆, 𝑨𝒅𝒛𝒐𝒗𝒊𝒂, 𝑩𝒂𝒕𝒆, 𝑳𝒊𝒌ɛ, 𝑩𝒂𝒎𝒆, 𝑲𝒍𝒆𝒗𝒊, 𝑻𝒐𝒗𝒊, 𝑻𝒔𝒊𝒂𝒎𝒆, 𝑨𝒈𝒂𝒗𝒆, 𝑨𝒎ɛ, 𝑫𝒛𝒆𝒗𝒊, Ʋ𝒊ƒ𝒆𝒎𝒆, Ɣ𝒆𝒕𝒔𝒐ƒ𝒆 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝑩𝒍𝒖. According to the legends, Eʋes are Hebrew nation with the various tribes or clans as typical of Israelites in the bible. This topic shall be furthered later.
The fifteen clans are said to have been divided in the following sets. The first set is made of;
1. Lafe, Amlade, Adzovia, Bate and Likɛ which were said to be the first set because their founding ancestors are believed to be the first to settled at Aŋlɔ land. Their year of establishment was not identified. Another set of the clan is made of;
2. Bame, Klevi, and Tovi clans and the founders are the descendants of the first sets mentioned earlier in point one (1).
3. Tsiame, Agave, Amɛ, are also believed to be the descendants of the first and the second group.
4. The remaining four (4) clans such as; Dzevi, Ʋiƒeme, Ɣetsoƒe and Blu are said to be the descendants of ancestors who move to Aŋlɔ area from different tribe or settings.
o For instance, the founder of Dzevia clan; Amega Lἐ, Aduadui & Tete Di was noted to have migrated eastward from the Adangbe-speaking coastal area particularly of Ningo-Prampram after they were attacked by the Akwamu, who can be found northwest of the Adangbe coast. These attacked was carried out and recorded by the European documentary sources to be between 1679 and 1688. It was believed that the ancestor of Dzevia clan were the ones who brought Torgbui Nyigbla to Weta – Afife.
o The ancestor of the Ʋiƒeme clan, Amega Lἐ, is said to have moved to Aŋlɔ from the west after the Akɔ or Shai war in 1702.
𝑃𝐿𝐸𝐴𝑆𝐸 𝑅𝐸𝐹𝐸𝑅𝑅𝐸𝐷 𝑇𝑂 𝑇𝐻𝐸 𝑇𝐴𝐵𝐿𝐸𝑆 𝐴𝑇𝑇𝐴𝐶𝐻𝐸𝐷
The Eʋe social settings are made of 100% patri-lineage system or society. Family properties are shared with the paternal or male offspring taking the lion-share. For example, the Table above shows Totem/Taboo, #of Burial Days, Founder/Hlɔtatɔwo, Functions of the clans, Father clan and Mother clan. If you take the father’s clan and marry him to the mother’s clan, you will produce the father’s clan which I termed as patri-clan (hlɔtsui). This clan system of Aŋlɔwo also guide them on how to marry and in which clan could one get married.
The earth is regarded as goddess or mother supernatural being so much that all other things that exist on are therefore respected and reverence at all times by the Eʋes. This is at all-time demonstrated by our traditional elders by offering prayers or seeking permission from, for example, tress before cutting them down. If the specific tree to be fallen refuses to grant the permission to be cut, there is nothing the elders can do than to allows it to exit on mother earth.
One of the main reasons why the Eʋe legends institutionalized the clan system is to help their people to avoid incestuous behaviour which is taboo to the mother earth or the land as discussed above. Watch out for much detailed explanation of my next topic “the clans of the Eʋes”. We shall understand better why patri-lineage system of practice is superior over the matri-lineage and why descent of these offices and inheritances are kept at the male line by our forefathers.
𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐩 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐰𝐞𝐞𝐧 𝐅𝐢𝐚𝐬𝐡𝐢ɛ𝐠𝐛ɛ 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐊𝐢𝐧𝐠/𝐂𝐡𝐢𝐞𝐟 𝐀𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐠 𝐄ʋ𝐞𝐬.
The traditional and cultural practices of Eʋes are not different from Fon people. The literal meaning of Fiashiɛgbɛ in Eʋe is Fiashuagbɛ. 𝑭𝒊𝒂𝒔𝒉𝒖𝒂𝒈𝒃ɛ means the king is set or complete. The Eʋes royal kinsmen and kingmakers believe that without Fiashiɛgbɛ the installation of the King is incomplete. The kingmakers again believe that marrying a lady from the royal family to the king will prevent the throne or the king from been exposed or ridiculed in public.
This is because the king is regarded by the kinsmen and kingmakers as human and could be gullible in some circumstance. However, when this unfortunate circumstances occurred, the king ought to be shredded against public derisions. The king need to be comfortable in discussing any secret or heartfelt feelings with family trusted wife and not an outsider. In this case the royal kinsmen and kingmakers believe strongly the only person who can play this key role should be Fiashiɛgbɛ/Fiashuagbɛ.
According to some Eʋe legends, they believe supposed Fiashiɛgbɛ ought to be coming from the paternal lineage. They think this will make the secret of the king more sold than if she is coming from the maternal side of the royal or the king’s family. However, other Eʋe legends together with some chiefs who are currently having Fiashiɛgbɛ as their throne’s wife confirmed to the Fon’s arrangement as the same as the Eʋes.
They added that marrying paternal member of your family is like marrying your own daughter or sister which amount to been incestuous and therefore a taboo according to the Eʋe cultural and traditional rules. The Eʋe legends continue to affirmed that the best relationship between the King and the Fiashiɛgbɛ is Tashi/Tasi-Nyinoevisrɔ – father’s sister’s daughter marriage. There is a firm believe that this from of marriage arrangement provides the king with full protection. They added also that chiefs or kings are supposed to leave exemplary life to his subjects and it will be unspeakable to break that spiritual rule and suffer the consequences not from the humans but from the Gods of the land and the mother earth.
Finally, according to Dutɔ Ʋenya, the originator of Hlɔ or clan systems especially among Aŋlɔ Eʋes; which was cited or alluded to by (Charles Mamattah, 1976) in his book entitled - The Eʋes of West Africa; indicated that one of the reasons why Hlɔ or clans were instituted among Eʋes was to prevent unwanted same womb kin or intra-clan marriages among the same family especially paternally blood related.
In the book written by social anthropologist (G.K Nukunya, 1969) and review by (R. W. Wyllie, 1972); Kinship and Marriage among the Aŋlɔ Eʋe, made it clear that various marriage prohibitions such as, those between lineage members (Ƒometɔ dekawo) and uterine (womb) kin (nɔvi dekawo), as well as the taboo on bride exchange. 'Kinship marriage' (Ƒomesrɔ) between persons related by at least one genealogical connection (this include your grandfather’s daughter’s daughter) is preferred.
The most common type is cross-cousin marriage (this is to say that family member could be encouraged as a man to marry to his mother’s sister’s/brother’s daughter or his father’s sister’s daughter but not his father’s brother’s daughter. The latter is regarded as a taboo among the Aŋlɔ Eʋes in particular).
The Aŋlɔs are welcoming tribe who makes no verbal distinction between the patrilineal and matrilineal variants of the families. This become necessary only family properties have to be shared and preserved or during the selectin of a chief or king, where kings are selected among the paternal royal family kinsmen whilst Agbotadua selection is done from the maternal side of the royal family affirming the duality of supernatural being of God.
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